Can Populist-Led Governments Always Crash the Economy?
“Dollars, dollars.” Beneath the scorching heat, dozens of money changers are hawking American currency along Florida Street, a bustling shopping street in Buenos Aires. Referred to as arbolitos (“little trees”), their business is booming ahead of the 26 October midterm elections in a country accustomed to holding the US dollar.
“The optimal moment to buy is now,” states a arbolito, refusing to provide her identity. “[The dollar] went down slightly but it’s deceptive – it’ll rise again.”
Similar to her, economic experts from all backgrounds anticipate a depreciation of the national currency once the election concludes. The president has placed a limit on the currency to control soaring inflation and currently it remains artificially high and foreign reserves are depleted, leaving Argentina’s economy sluggish as buyers turn to low-cost foreign goods.
Fertile Ground
The nation represents a unique situation. The country has been repeatedly racked by sovereign defaults and economic crises and the electorate have been receptive over the years to left-leaning populist movements, such as the influential Peronism, and now the president’s conservative populism.
The president epitomizes populist leadership: charismatic, iconoclastic, promising forceful policies to reclaim control of economic management from the establishment on behalf of the people.
These defining traits are also seen in his political partner in the United States, and by the UK politician, who presents himself as a pint-swilling champion of the common man despite being a privately educated ex-finance professional.
Up until lately, the president’s strategy – including widespread sell-offs and severe public spending cuts – had earned praise from the IMF for contributing to control price rises in check. This plan has something in common with the policies of his political hero the former UK prime minister, who similarly viewed inflation as a monster to be defeated, regardless of the consequences.
However investors began losing confidence in the government’s agenda lately after a shaky result in provincial elections and multiple corruption scandals. Only massive economic support from abroad has averted what looked set to become a major currency crisis.
Inconsistencies
The vote for Brexit several years ago likely contained similar reasoning, and its leader, Boris Johnson, swept away doubts about economic detail with a bullish determination to implement the “will of the people” despite elite opposition.
Farage has so far outlined limited plans to paper aside from a call for large-scale removals, which he subsequently seemed to adjust spontaneously. He aims to curb the central bank, perhaps even replacing its head, Andrew Bailey, with distrust toward traditional institutions being a key part of populist rhetoric.
His tax and spending policies appear to be in flux: concerned about facing criticism for proposing reckless spending, he recently abandoned a promise for large tax reductions. His second-in-command, Richard Tice, stated they would concentrate instead on public spending cuts.
The opposition aims this position will allow it to portray the populist as intending to reintroduce austerity – an argument Rachel Reeves has emphasized often, contrasting it with her approach of boosting public investment.
An economics professor says there are contradictions within the populist platform, such as it is. “The party is funded by affluent backers calling for lower taxes and reduced rules, yet also emphasizing the grievances of working people and the loss in manufacturing employment,” he explains. “There’s a tension there among wealthy supporters who want radical free-market policies, and this narrative of restoring British jobs and industrial revival.”
Holding on to Power
Realistically, research suggests neither left nor right populists tend to fare well when confronting practical difficulties (although each charismatic individual claims to offer distinct solutions).
Recent research from a leading journal analysed the performance of 51 populist presidents and prime ministers, over more than a century. The study revealed typically, over the long term, gross domestic product per head is often a tenth less in countries governed by populist rulers compared to similar economies under conventional leadership.
“Financial decline, decreasing macroeconomic stability and the decay of governance typically occur together under populist governments,” contend the researchers.
Another intriguing finding of the research, however, is even with their negative impacts, populist figures tend to be good at retaining office, remaining in power for eight years, versus shorter tenures for mainstream politicians.
Put simply, it is not clear whether even if their plans crash, populists face immediate consequences in elections. Similar to pledges made to “take back control”, their appeal extends past everyday financial matters.
But back in Buenos Aires, regardless of if Milei’s populist project collapses or is kept on life support through foreign assistance, the Argentine people are already bearing significant costs.